Abstract
The development of scholarship and material culture on the Korean Peninsula was deeply shaped by successive Chinese dynasties. During the Chosŏn period, frequent tributary missions to the Ming 明 (1368-1644) and Qing 淸 (1636-1912) courts introduced new forms of learning, technologies, and artifacts, but these exchanges did not conform to Nishijima Sadao’s 西嶋定生 (1919-1998) model of a tributary order centered on the Chinese emperor. Chosŏn actively sought books on Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) thought through private trade, despite continuing bans imposed by the Ming and Qing governments. In material culture, demand shifted from heavy reliance on Ming goods, to brief resistance during the Ming – Qing transition, and then to renewed admiration for Qing artifacts in the late eighteenth century. Yet the Qing court’s extremely limited bestowals – such as falangci “enameled porcelain”, reserved for official banquets, display, or burials – had only marginal influence on Chosŏn society. This scarcity invites reconsideration of the actual scope of imperial power in East Asia.
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Keywords: imperial gifts, yŏnhaengsa 燕行使 “Chosŏn embassies to Bejing”, Chosŏn dynasty, books, Chinese porcelain
Introduction: Rethinking the Influence of Ming – Qing Imperial Power on Chosŏn
The development of scholarship and material culture on the Korean Peninsula was long shaped by successive Chinese dynasties. During the Chosŏn period, when diplomatic relations with the Chinese empire were relatively stable, frequent tribute missions enabled envoys to bring back new learning and cultural objects, which in turn influenced Chosŏn’s intellectual and material life. This article examines how Qing emperors, through the act of bestowing books and objects as imperial gifts, sought to shape the development of Chosŏn scholarship and material culture. The purpose here, however, is not to reinforce the idea of imperial authority exported through the tribute-and-investiture system. Rather, by contrasting the abundance of books – purchased legally or illicitly by Chosŏn envoys in Chinese book markets – and the abundance of goods exchanged through commercial trade between the peninsula and surrounding regions, with the scant handful of gifts conferred by the Qing court, this study highlights both the limited reach of imperial power and the active agency of Chosŏn in appropriating elements of premodern Chinese civilization. Still, the very notion of “China” invoked in these different contexts carries divergent meanings, and clarification is required before proceeding.
As early as 1983, Nishijima Sadao 西嶋定生 (1919-1998) identified Chinese characters, Confucianism, the regulation system, and Buddhism as the defining elements of an “East Asian cultural sphere”, which is also considered essentially as a “Sinosphere”.
1 He conceived East Asia as a political system in which “the Chinese emperor stood at the center, ruling the people of China proper through the
junxian 郡縣 “commandery-county” system, and ruling foreign monarchs beyond China’s borders through the
cefeng 冊封 “investiture” system.”
2 In this framework, the emperor appeared as the driving force actively disseminating imperial culture to neighboring states. Later scholarship, however, has raised objections to this view. David Chan-oong Kang, for example, argued that “Imperial China did not possess a messianic desire to transform the world, but instead maintained and developed stable interstate relations with its neighbors in a subtle manner; although exceptions existed, this was generally the case. In other words, Chinese empire was not keen to export its political ideals and values, but it did take a keen interest in external relations. Thus, in the process of receiving Chinese thought and values, surrounding peoples and regimes had opportunities to resist or revise them within limits, rather than simply adopting them wholesale.”
3 Kang’s position diminishes the influence attributed to the Chinese emperor in Nishijima’s model, and instead highlights the agency of neighboring states in actively learning from China.
As Huang Chun-chieh notes in his citation of Nobukuni Koyasu’s 子安宣邦
On Chinese Characters: The Inescapable Other (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2003), “within the contact zone of ‘East Asia,’ the Chinese empire, with its vast territory, large population, and long history, exerted political, economic, and cultural influence on Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and other regions, while to a considerable degree playing the role of ‘center’ in East Asia. From the perspective of neighboring countries, China, as the birthplace of shared cultural elements such as Chinese characters, Confucian scholars, and Han medicine, was undeniably a vast ‘inescapable Other.’”
4 Imperial China thus undeniably shaped its neighbors, but we may still ask: what, precisely, was meant by the notion “China”? Did the China that Chosŏn learned from equal with the Qing regime itself? Here Kim Young-sik, citing Woo Kyung-sup’s The Formation of Chosŏn Sinocentrism and East Asia,
5 distinguishes three senses of “China”: first, a geographical concept, referring to North China and the Yellow River valley where ancient Chinese civilization emerged; second, an ethnocultural concept, referring to the Han 漢 people in contrast to groups such as the
Dongyi 東夷,
Xirong 西戎,
Nanman 南蠻, and
Beidi 北狄; and third, a cultural concept, referring to the Confucian community practicing governance of the
wangdao 王道 “king’s way” and sustaining ritual and literary civilization.
6 Of these, the third corresponds to what Kan Huai-chen describes as the “shared political knowledge of the East Asian region,”
7 and to what Paek Yeong-seo calls “communicative universality.” Baik further suggests that, rather than hastily pursuing abstract coexistence, East Asian states might begin by recognizing this universality – that is, the persistence of differences and distances, and the discovery, through exchange and communication, of a certain universality within distinct particularities, which in turn makes mutual understanding possible.
8 These three dimensions thus help us approach a more nuanced understanding of Chosŏn’s relationship with imperial China.
In studies of the so-called “Chinese character cultural sphere,” scholars have often conflated geographical China with cultural China. As a result, discussions of Sino–Korean exchange are sometimes misread as if the Ming and Qing regimes, occupying geographical China, had actively transmitted Chinese culture to Chosŏn through official channels, and as if Chosŏn in turn had eagerly sought to learn directly from these regimes. Yet close examination of documents such as the Dongmunhwigo 同文彙考 “Comprehensive Collection of Communications”, which records memorials from the libu 禮部 “Ministry of Rites” concerning imperial bestowals, as well as the Chosŏn wangjosillok 朝鮮王朝實錄 (Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty) and various yŏnhaengnok 燕行錄 (travel accounts of embassies to Beijing), reveals that the books conferred by the Qing emperors were exceedingly few. Moreover, material gifts became increasingly standardized after the Qianlong reign, exerting only limited influence on Chosŏn scholarship and material culture. By contrast, Chosŏn, in order to preserve Confucian traditions and strengthen Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200) studies, actively procured books through unofficial means from Chinese book markets or merchants, and purchased porcelain and other necessities locally in China to meet practical needs or follow contemporary fashions. This evidence invites a reconsideration of Nishijima Sadao’s claim that East Asia was a political system centered on the Chinese emperor, who ruled beyond China’s borders through the investiture system, and clarifies that what Chosŏn sought to learn was not the Qing regime’s political authority, but rather the cultural China that embodied the ritual and literary heritage of huaxia 華夷 (Discourse on Civilized-Barbarian Distinction).
The Transmission of Material Culture in Chosŏn–Ming–Qing Relations
Sino–Korean Relations and Chosŏn’s Active Assimilation of Chinese Artifacts
Diplomatic relations were closely tied to the very survival of the Chosŏn state. From its founding, the dynasty established
sadae 事大 “serving the great” and
gyorin 交隣 “neighborly relations” as its guiding diplomatic principles: toward imperial China it actively pursued a policy of
sadae, while toward Japan and other neighboring states it adopted peaceful strategies of
gyorin.
9 Thus, from the beginning of the dynasty, Chosŏn positioned itself in
sadae to the Ming, while the Ming in turn regarded Chosŏn as a
zhuhou 諸侯 “feudal lords”. During the 227 years of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), Chosŏn envoys were dispatched to China some 1,252 times – an average of 4.6 missions per year
10– demonstrating not only the frequency of these exchanges but also Chosŏn’s sincerity in maintaining its
sadae posture toward the Ming court.
11
In the early Chosŏn period, King T’aejo 太祖 (1335-1408) of Chosŏn, who had risen from a humble background, sought both to consolidate his authority and to establish the fundamental institutions of the new state in order to realize the Confucian Way of governance. Within the diplomatic framework of
sadae, he requested recognition of his enthronement from the Ming and petitioned the Hongwu Emperor 洪武帝 (1328-1398), to confer a dynastic name. The Ming responded in accordance with Chosŏn’s request, bestowing the title “Chosŏn,” recognizing Yi’s 李成桂 (King T’aejo) accession, and granting court robes. Yet in comparison to Chosŏn’s active participation in tribute, the Ming attitude was relatively passive. For example, the Ming legal code, the
Daminglu 大明律 “Great Ming Code”, which Chosŏn adopted as a governing statute in its early years, had in fact entered Korea as early as 1373, at the end of the Koryŏ 高麗 dynasty (918-1392)–before Chosŏn was even founded–and not as the result of Ming initiative. Similarly, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Ming court bestowed a number of books upon Chosŏn: the
Wenxian tongkao 文獻通考 (1401); the
Yuan shi 元史,
Shiba shilue 十八史略,
Shantang kaosuo 山堂考索,
Zhuchen zouyi 諸臣奏議,
Daxue yanyi 大學衍義,
Chunqiu huitong 春秋會通,
Zhenxishan dushu ji 真西山讀書記, and various works of Zhu Xi (all in 1403); the
Gujin lie nu zhuan 古今列女傳 (1404); the
Tongjian gangmu 通鑑綱目,
Sishu yanyi 四書衍義, and another copy of the
Daxue yanyi 大學衍義(1406); the collected writings of Empress Xiaoci Gao 孝慈高 (50 volumes) and 300 copies of
Quanshan shu 勸善書 (1408); 600 copies of
Weishan yinzhi 偽善陰騭 (1417); the
Wujing 五經, the
Sishu 四書, the
Xingli daquan 性理大全, and the
Tongjian gangmu 通鑑綱目 (1426); the
Wujing daquan 五經大全and the
Sishu daquan 四書大全(1433); Hu Sanxing’s
Annotated Zizhi tongjian 胡三省音註通鑑(1436); the
Song shi 宋史 (1454); and both the
Da Ming huidian 大明會典 (1518) and its revised edition (1588).
12 Nevertheless, these imperial bestowals fell far short of the Chosŏn court’s needs. In response, King Chŏngjong 定宗 (r.1398-1400) issued a special directive to the Ministry of Rites, ordering that “envoys traveling to and from the Middle Kingdom should seek out and obtain books as widely as possible” and that “if there are missing classics or rare works that might broaden inquiry and aid in governance, generous rewards shall be given.”
A royal edict was transmitted to the Ministry of Rites, stating: “Books are the repository of the Way of governance, and have been treasured in every age. The
Tianlu 天祿 and
Shiqu 石渠 collections of the Han 漢, and the
Mishu 祕書 compilations of the Tang 唐, all testify to the gathering of writings as the treasure houses of their times. While the true measure of an emperor lies in the cultivation of virtue and personal practice, the esteem they placed on literary refinement can also be discerned from these endeavors. Since the founding of our dynasty, generation after generation has honored Confucian learning. From the sacred classics and worthy commentaries to the histories, masters, and collected writings, and even to rare or fragmentary works, none have been neglected. They are not only preserved within the imperial library but also widely disseminated among the households of commoners. Yet in recent years, as fortune has waned and custodianship has been lax, many volumes from the imperial storehouse have become scattered, and the holdings of the royal archives are now meager. Reflecting on this, I feel profound regret. In antiquity, Liu De 劉德 (155-129 BCE), the Prince of Hejian 河閒, offered gold and silk to obtain fine books, and the abundance he collected rivaled that of the Han court. This was recorded by historians as a laudable achievement. Although our realm lies far across the seas, if we pursue books with genuine devotion, there is no reason our collections should not equal those of antiquity. My desire is that within the imperial library no book be absent, and among the homes of officials and commoners no book be lacking. Therefore, let envoys who travel to and from the Middle Kingdom seek books as widely as possible. Within our own country, though the territory is narrow, surely there are families of letters who still hold valuable texts. If there are rare or fragmentary classics that may broaden inquiry or assist the Way of governance, let them be brought forth without hesitation. I shall reward them generously. Let this intent be proclaimed both within and without the realm.”
13
In addition to spending vast sums on the active acquisition of books, Chosŏn also continued the Koryŏ practice of maintaining state publishing offices, which were responsible for printing the Confucian classics. For example, the Yongle emperor’s 永樂帝 (r.1402-142) editions of the
Sishuwujing 四書五經, and the
Xingli daquan 性禮大全 (229 volumes) were printed there in the early Chosŏn period, distributed to students throughout the provinces, and used to promote Confucian governance and learning.
14
By contrast, the Ming court neither actively bestowed books upon Chosŏn nor responded positively to Chosŏn requests through the Ministry of Rites. From the mid-sixteenth century onward, the Ming even tightened restrictions on book purchases by Chosŏn envoys. As Ŏ Sukkwŏn 魚叔權 records in his
P'aegwanjapki 稗官雜記, at the beginning of the Jiajing emperor’s 嘉靖帝 (r.1521-1567) reign a Chosŏn interpreter Kim I-seok 金利錫 attempted to purchase the
Da Ming yitong zhi 大明一統志 in a Beijing bookshop. When Sun Cun-ren 孫存仁, an official of the Host Department, happened to inspect the volume, he exclaimed, “This is not something foreigners ought to buy!”
15 This incident became the precedent for the Ming’s strict prohibition of Chosŏn envoys purchasing banned books. Even so, book-buying was never entirely suppressed: in 1614, Hŏ Kyun 許筠 (1569-1618), serving as chief envoy, managed to acquire more than 4,000 volumes in Ming China.
16 This Ming policy of maintaining only a superficial tribute relationship with Chosŏn – while in practice refraining from intervening in Chosŏn’s intellectual life and even forbidding its envoys from purchasing historical works – was subsequently continued by the Qing government.
With the advent of the Qing dynasty, in contrast to its earlier active embrace of Ming artifacts, Chosŏn’s reception of Chinese material culture underwent several shifts. In the seventeenth century,
taemyŏng-ŭiriron 對明義理論 “Discourse on Moral Principles Concerning the Ming” and the discourse of
hwairon 華夷論 “Discourse on Civilized-Barbarian Distinction” prevailed; in the eighteenth century, the rise of
Puk'ak 北學 “Northern Learning” shaped new intellectual priorities; and by the nineteenth century, Chosŏn increasingly embraced Chinese culture along with Western learning transmitted through China. At each stage, the demand for Chinese books varied, and the scale of book acquisition differed accordingly. In terms of scale, the eighteenth century is particularly illustrative. In 1720, I Kichi 李器之 (1690-1722), who traveled to the Qing as a junior official in the mourning-and-memorial mission, recorded over thirty works he purchased, including the
Mingshi benmo 明史本末,
Hanshu 漢書,
Shiji 史記,
Yuzhi guwen 御製古文,
Zuozhuan 左傳,
Jingang jing 金剛經,
Jingang lingying lu 金剛靈應錄,
Badajia wencao 八大家文抄,
Shisanjing zhushu 十三經註疏,
Ershiyi daishi 二十一代史,
Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑,
Zhuxi gangmu 朱子綱目, and annotated editions of Du Fu’s poetry 杜詩詳註. In the same year, I Ŭihyŏn 李宜顯 (1669-1745), chief envoy of the triennial tribute mission, listed in his
Kyŏngja yŏnhaengjapchi 庚子燕行雜識more than fifty titles acquired, such as the
Cefu yuangui 冊府元龜,
Chuci 楚辭,
Han-Wei-Liu Chao baiming jiaji 漢魏六朝百名家集,
Quan Tang shi 全唐詩,
Song shi chao 宋詩抄,
Shanhaijing 山海經, and
Mingshi jishi benmo 明史紀事本末. On his second mission in 1732, I Ŭihyŏn recorded thirty-nine further titles, including the
Songshi 宋史,
Sanguozhi 三國志, and
Taiping guangji 太平廣記. Later, in 1765, Hong Tae-yong 洪大容 (1731-1783), who accompanied his uncle Hong Ŏk 洪檍 (1722-1809), vice-envoy of the triennial tribute and thanksgiving mission, noted in his
Tamhŏnyŏn'gi 湛軒燕記 fifty volumes obtained, such as the
Kangxi zidian 康熙字典,
Manzhou yu sishu (Four Books in Manchu, 滿洲語四書),
Sishu jiangyi 四書講義, and
Wujing 五經.
17 Although Chosŏn envoys continued to face restrictions on book purchases, the scale of acquisitions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries far surpassed those of the seventeenth. Works formally prohibited by the Qing could still be brought into Korea, smuggled past gate inspections through illicit channels.
Although the examples above highlight Chosŏn’s proactive book acquisitions, it is worth recalling Zhang Bowei’s 張伯偉 observation that “before the twentieth century, the circulation of books in East Asia largely took the form of diffusion toward surrounding regions… The channels of transmission included purchase, importation, reprinting, and gift exchange.”
18 Owing to limitations of space, this article does not further examine works that entered Chosŏn through gift exchange or related means.
Beyond books, material objects from China also entered Chosŏn. With the establishment of sadae diplomatic relations with the Ming and gyorin relations with Japan, Ryukyu, and other states, Ming porcelain and other Chinese goods began to flow into Korea. It is well known that the formation and development of Chosŏn paekcha 白瓷 “Chosŏn white porcelain” was profoundly influenced by Ming porcelain. In particular, cobalt pigment for blue-and-white ware had to be imported from Ming China, and thus Chosŏn–Ming diplomatic relations deeply shaped the production of Chosŏn ceramics.
According to the research of Korean scholar Lee Hyun-Jung, Ming porcelain imported into Chosŏn can be divided into three stages. The first stage, from 1392 to 1450, corresponds to the early years of the dynasty, when relations with the Ming were not yet stable and porcelain imports were relatively few. By the fifteenth century, however, both the Chosŏn wangjosillok and the Ming Xuanzongshilu 明宣宗實錄 (Veritable Records of the Ming Xuanzong) record Ming envoys bringing porcelain into Korea. These items consisted primarily of white porcelain and celadon. Examples include pink-sand ware (white porcelain) and wine vessels in 1408 (Yongle 永樂 6th); a painted cup (blue-and-white) and a tea cup with incised floral decoration (white porcelain) in 1417 (Yongle 15th); large and small blue-and-white dishes in 1428 (Xuande 宣德 3rd); and, in 1450, painted white cups, decorated bowls (blue-and-white), plain blue small bowls, and plain blue wine ewers (monochrome glaze). The decorative styles included incised floral designs and gilt painting. Because the early Ming strictly prohibited the export of official-ware patterns, these porcelains were most likely products of the Jingdezhen 景德鎭 private kilns, though crafted at a level approaching the quality of official ware.
The second stage, from 1450 to 1500, contains fewer recorded instances of Ming porcelain entering Chosŏn than the first stage. Nevertheless, private trade began to emerge during this period, and with the growing taste for luxury goods within Chosŏn, large quantities of Chinese blue-and-white ware and other objects continued to enter the peninsula illegally. At the same time, Chosŏn white porcelain began to reflect the stylistic influence of Ming models. Yet this influence appeared with a delay: Chosŏn wares of this period primarily imitated the designs of the earlier Yongle, Xuande, and Zhengtong 正統 (r.1435–1449) reigns. It is also noteworthy that not all Ming porcelain reaching Chosŏn came directly from China; some arrived via Japan and Ryukyu. This suggests that in the early Chosŏn period porcelain imports operated along two tracks: under the sadae relationship, Ming China was the principal source, but under gyorin relations, porcelain also entered through Japan and Ryukyu. The Rekidai hoan 歷代寶案 (Precious Documents of Successive Generations), the official diplomatic record of Ryukyu, even preserves a tribute to the Chosŏn court listing “twenty white-ground blue-and-white dishes, twenty white-ground blue-and-white bowls, twenty green dishes, fifty large blue bowls, and one hundred small blue bowls.”
The third stage, from 1500 to 1592, contains relatively few documentary records of Ming porcelain entering Chosŏn. Nevertheless, evidence from the use of Chinese goods at the time, repeated bans on private trade, and references in the Veritable Records to the prevailing taste for Chinese luxuries all indicate that large quantities of Ming porcelain continued to enter through unofficial channels.
19 The styles that circulated in this period were largely private-kiln wares of the Zhengde and Jiajing reigns. In terms of Chosŏn white porcelain, potters absorbed the stylistic features of second-stage Ming wares while at the same time narrowing the time lag, so that their products also reflected the designs of contemporary, third-stage Ming porcelain. This trend was closely linked to the domestic vogue for Chinese-style ceramics.
20 From this three-stage division it becomes clear that the Ming court was never especially active in bestowing porcelain on Chosŏn – much lke its attitude toward the bestowal of books. By contrast, driven by the popularity of Chinese luxury goods, Chosŏn relied heavily on private trade to obtain porcelain in substantial quantities.
Under the Qing, Chosŏn’s reception of artifacts followed the same trajectory as its acquisition of books: initial rejection, limited acceptance, and eventual broad adoption. The Japanese invasions of 1592 and 1598 and the Manchu invasions of 1627 and 1636 devastated local kilns, while disdain for the Manchu regime cut off imports of cobalt for blue-and-white porcelain. After reforms to the
punwŏn 分院 “kiln bureau” under King Sukchong 肅宗 (r. 1674-1720), production shifted toward iron-painted white porcelain, which became widely fashionable. In the eighteenth century, despite gradual changes in attitude under Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong, Qing artifacts remained less welcome than books: the latter carried Confucian functions, while objects reflected Qing taste and clashed with
hua–yi discourse.
21 Only by the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, with the shift from
pukpŏl 北伐 “Northern Expeditions” to
puk’ak 北學 “Northern Learning”, did acceptance broaden. As imperial kilns declined, enamelled porcelain (
falangci), once restricted to the Qing court, spread to private workshops, entered Chosŏn through trade, and became a status symbol for elites, even appearing at royal banquets.
22
The foregoing discussion, using books and porcelain as representative cases, has briefly outlined the transmission of material culture in Chosŏn’s relations with the Ming and Qing. What emerges is that, although Chosŏn and imperial China maintained a tributary and investiture relationship, it was above all the Chosŏn government that actively sought to absorb Chinese books and artifacts (with the exception of the Ming–Qing transition). By contrast, the Ming and Qing governments rarely responded to Chosŏn’s needs, and at times even prohibited its envoys from acquiring books through private trade for political reasons. Nishijima Sadao’s model of East Asia as a political system centered on the Chinese emperor’s domination of foreign rulers thus calls for reconsideration. The following section turns to the Dongmunhwigo, supplemented by the Chosŏn wangjosillok and related sources, to examine the gifts bestowed by the Qing emperors upon Chosŏn.
An Overview of Qing Imperial Gifts
Under the diplomatic framework of
sadae and
gyorin, the Chosŏn government dispatched envoys to China annually. Upon their return, envoys were, in principle, to submit day-by-day mission records to Sŭngmunwŏn 承文院, where they were transcribed; every three years they were to be block-printed by Kyosŏgwan 校書館, with copies deposited in
Yungmullu 隆文樓,
Yungmuru 隆武樓,
Ŭijŏngbu 議政府,
Hongmun'gwan 弘文館,
Sŏnggyun'gwan 成均館,
Chunchugwan 春秋館, and at the chief cities of the provinces.
23 Over time, these regulations lapsed and the diplomatic dossiers were poorly preserved. In 1784, recognizing the need to reorganize documentation of
sadae –
gyorin relations, Chosŏn King Chŏngjo 正祖 (r. 1752-1800) ordered senior officials of Sŭngmunwŏn, Chŏng Ch'angsun 鄭昌順 (b. 1727) and I Sungho 李崇祜 (1723-1789), to compile
Dongmunhwigo. By 1788, the first compilation
24 – 60 volumes in 129 volumes – was completed, and King Chŏngjo himself wrote the prefatory essay.
25
The initial compilation of
Dongmunhwigo consists of four parts: Wŏnp’yŏn 原編 “the General Compilation”, Pyŏlp’yŏn 別編 “the Separate Compilation”, Pop’yŏn 補編 “the Supplementary Compilation”, and Pup’yŏn 附編 “the Appendix”. Wŏnp’yŏn (37 volumes) comprises
sadae documents addressed to the Qing, organized under Pongjŏn 封典 “Investiture Protocols”, Chinha 進賀 “Offerings of Congratulations”, Chinwi 陳慰 “Messages of Condolence”, Mun’an 問安 “Inquiries of Well-Being”, Chŏlsa 節使 “Seasonal-Envoy Missions”, Chinju 陳奏 “Memorials/Submissions”, and P’yojŏnsik 表箋式 “Models/Templates for Memorials and Notes”. The Pyŏlp’yŏn (2 volumes) contains
sadae documents to the Qing from the Chongde 崇德 era (1636–1643), arranged under Pongjŏn, Chinha, Chinwi, and Chŏlsa. The Pop’yŏn (5 volumes) preserves records submitted by envoys to the Chosŏn king, including
Sasinpyŏltan 使臣別單 “Envoys’ Separate Lists/Inventories”, Sahaengnok 使行錄 “Envoys’ Travel Diaries”, and Sadæmunsŏsik 事大文書式 “Templates for
sadae Documents”. The Pup’yŏn (16 volumes) covers
gyorin documents with Japan, including Chinha, Chinwi, Kogyŏng 告慶 “Notifications of Celebration”, Kohwan 告還 “Notifications of Return”, and T’ongsin 通信 “Correspondence”. After the 60 volumes first edition was printed in 1788, materials in the General, Supplementary, and Appendix sections continued to be accumulated and edited; by 1881 there had been at least nineteen subsequent installments or reprints, producing the Continued Compilation of
Dongmunhwigo totaling 36 volumes.
26
Imperial gifts from the Qing emperor, transmitteded through the Ministry of Rites, are chiefly recorded in Dongmunhwigo under the sadae dossiers headed Offerings of Congratulations, Messages of Condolence, Inquiries of Well-Being, Seasonal-Envoy Missions, and Memorials/Submissions. A survey of Dongmunhwigo shows that in the early Qing the gift lists for the Chosŏn king and for envoys were not yet fixed; the formula “to award in accordance with established precedent” 應照定例賞賜 appears only in 1734. Thereafter, gifts to envoys were granted by fixed regulation, while gifts to the Chosŏn king did not become standardized until the late eighteenth century. Additional bestowals appear as ad hoc awards at banquets and feasts, and, in some cases, as newly bestowed volumes following emendations to official histories undertaken at Chosŏn’s request.
The following section examines four records as examples to illustrate the gift lists before and after the establishment of fixed regulations for imperial bestowals.
As shown in
Table 1, after the establishment of fixed regulations for imperial bestowals in 1734, both the chief and deputy envoys routinely received gifts including large satin, modan 帽緞 “hat satin,”
pengduan (stiff satin), plain silk, spun silk, silver, wool socks, first-grade green oblique-leather boots with ivory seams, lacquered saddles, and third-grade horses. The document officer was granted large satin,
pengduan, plain silk, silver, wool socks, and the same style of boots. Other accompanying personnel—such as interpreters and escort officers – each received gifts according to clearly prescribed categories. However, the gifts bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn did not become standardized until the accession of the Jiaqing Emperor 嘉慶帝 (1769-1820).
As shown above, the gifts bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn during the Jiaqing, Daoguang 道光帝 (r.1820-1850), and Xianfeng 咸豊帝 (r.1850-1861) reigns show little variation, consisting largely of mangduan, fu -character scrolls, fine silk paper, brushes, ink, inkstones, lacquered items, and glass vessels.
In addition to these regularly conferred items, there were also instances in which the emperor granted extra rewards to Chosŏn envoys during banquets or feasts. One record from each reign period—Jiaqing, Daoguang, Xianfeng, Tongzhi 同治帝 (r.1861-1875), and Guangxu 光緖帝 (1875-1908)—will be presented as examples below.
As shown in
Table 3, during the Jiaqing, Daoguang, Xianfeng, Tongzhi, and Guangxu reigns, Chosŏn envoys arriving in Beijing often received additional gifts during the New Year period or when kneeling to welcome and bid farewell to the emperor at the Meridian Gate on his way to the Hall of Supreme Harmony, the Imperial Ancestral Temple, or the Palace of Compassion and Tranquility. Envoys who accompanied the emperor to watch performances at the Chonghua gong 重華宮 or the Yuanmingyuan 圓明園 were also granted gifts such as glassware, snuff bottles, porcelain, small embroidered pouches, porcelain dishes, and bolts of cloth, as well as food items including mutton, steamed cakes, milk pancakes, and
mantou.
Through the records preserved in
Dongmunhwigo, we can thus gain a concise picture of the standard gifts routinely conferred upon the King of Chosŏn and his envoys. Yet beyond these regulated bestowals, certain specially granted items – particularly books and porcelain – are of special interest.
Table 4 presents a list of the major gifts bestowed by the Qing emperors upon the King of Chosŏn, which the following chapter will analyze in order to examine how such bestowals, though limited in scope, nonetheless influenced Chosŏn’s scholarly and material culture.
The Influence of Qing Imperial Gifts on Chosŏn Scholarship and Material Culture
A survey of the
Dongmunhwigo records reveals that the imperial gifts bestowed by the Qing emperors were disproportionate to the vast quantities of books, porcelain, and other cultural objects that Chosŏn acquired directly or indirectly from China through private trade.
27 This imbalance indicates that the Qing court took little active interest in shaping Chosŏn’s internal scholarly or material development. For instance, in July 1738, the envoys Kim Chaero 金在魯 (1682-1759), Kim Sihyŏk 金始㷜 (1676-1750), and I Yangsin 李亮臣 (1689-1739) – dispatched on a mission of presenting congratulations, offering thanks, and submitting memorials – submitted a memorial to the Ministry of Rites, requesting the newly revised and printed edition of the “Biography of Chosŏn” in the
Mingshi 明史 (History of the Ming). This document provides a clear glimpse into the limited yet symbolically significant scope of book bestowals from the Ming and Qing dynasties to Chosŏn.
During the Yongle reign of the Ming dynasty, newly printed editions of the
Yuanshi 元史 (History of the Yuan) and the
Shiliu shi 十六史 (Sixteen Histories) were bestowed upon Chosŏn. In the Xuande period, copies of the
Zizhi tongjian gangmu 資治通鑑綱目 (Outlines of the Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance) were likewise granted. Later, during the Wanli reign, transcribed and printed copies of the
Da Ming huidian 大明會典 (Collected Statutes of the Great Ming) were conferred in sequential order. ①Among these, the Ming edition of the History of the Yuan serves as especially solid evidence for the textual transmission of historical works between the two realms. Subsequently, in the fifty-first year of the Kangxi reign (1712) ② and the first year of the Yongzheng reign (1723) ③, the Qing court again bestowed numerous books upon Chosŏn. Whether historical records or other works, these complete and carefully printed volumes attest clearly to the enduring imperial practice of bestowing texts upon Chosŏn.
28
The mission of Kim Chaero and his delegation in 1738 continued the task initiated in 1732 of requesting revisions to the “Biography of Chosŏn” in the Mingshi. In November 1731, Lord Lee Dang 李樘 (Prince Nakchang 洛昌君), served as chief envoy, accompanied by Cho Sangkyŏng 趙尙絅 (1681-1746) as deputy envoy and I Ilche 李日躋 as document officer, on a mission to Beijing. The following year, they brought back to Chosŏn a printed copy of the newly revised “Biography of Chosŏn” from the Mingshi.The mission of Kim Chaero and his delegation in 1738 continued the task initiated in 1732 of requesting revisions to the “Biography of Chosŏn” in the Mingshi. In November 1731, Lord Lee Dang 李樘 (Prince Nakchang 洛昌君), served as chief envoy, accompanied by Cho Sangkyŏng 趙尙絅 (1681-1746) as deputy envoy and I Ilche 李日躋 as document officer, on a mission to Beijing. The following year, they brought back to Chosŏn a printed copy of the newly revised “Biography of Chosŏn” from the Mingshi.
Upon examining the text, King Yŏngjo found the phrase describing “Seonggye’s self-enthronement” 成桂自立
29 problematic. He believed that the character zi 自 “self” implied that I Sŏngkye 李成桂 (1335-1408) had usurped the Koryŏ throne, and, as he put it, “his heart remained unsettled” 心猶未釋然
30. In 1738, when Kim Chaero, serving as chief envoy on a mission of presenting congratulations, offering thanks, and submitting memorials, learned that the Qing court had already printed a revised edition of the “Biography of Chosŏn”, he immediately submitted a memorial to the Ministry of Rites, requesting confirmation of the new text – leading to the cited passage above.
Three aspects of this document are particularly noteworthy, for they illustrate the most direct ways in which the Chinese court influenced Chosŏn scholarship. Point ① refers to the major early Chosŏn controversy known as the “Debate over Ancestry and Slander” 宗系辯誣—that is, whether I Sŏngkye, founder of the Chosŏn dynasty, was in fact the son of the Koryŏ minister I Inim 李仁任 (d.1388), and whether he had murdered four Koryŏ kings to seize power. From the Chosŏn perspective, these charges were emphatically denied. Over the course of nearly two centuries, the Chosŏn court repeatedly petitioned the Ming to correct the record, and ultimately succeeded in securing a revised and reissued edition of the
Da Ming huidian.
31 This episode is recorded in full detail in the “Biography of Chosŏn” within the
Mingshi.
At first, when I Sŏngkye self-enthroned as ruler, he and the minister I Inim were in fact of different lineages. Yet during the Yongle reign of the Ming, an imperial sacrificial text offered to the spirits of the seas and mountains referred to Sŏngkye as “the son of Inim.”
chohun 祖訓 “The
Ancestral Injunctions ” likewise recorded that “Inim’s son Sŏngkye changed his name to
Dan 旦.” Later, I Pangwŏn 李芳遠 (1367-1422), Sŏngkye’s son, submitted a memorial refuting this claim, and the Ming emperor Taizong 太宗 (r.626-649) approved the request for correction. However, when the
Da Ming huidian was later compiled, the erroneous passage from the
Ancestral Injunctions was again included under the section on the Kingdom of Chosŏn. When a Chosŏn envoy returned home after purchasing a copy in the market, Yeok submitted a memorial to the throne, explaining in full the royal genealogy and asserting that none of Chosŏn’s founders had engaged in regicide or usurpation, requesting that the record be corrected. The Ministry of Rites deliberated and stated: “The
Da Ming huidian is meant to record in detail the institutions of our dynasty; matters pertaining to foreign states, particularly those of uncertain veracity, may rightly be omitted. Moreover, as Sŏngkye’s accession was sanctioned by the imperial command of Emperor Taizu 太祖 (960-976), and since Emperor Taizong’s edict already confirms that he was not descended from Inim, this petition should be granted.” The emperor then replied “Approved”.
32
In the memorial that Kim Chaero submitted to the Ministry of Rites, the phrase “During the Wanli reign, transcribed and printed copies of the Da Ming huidian were bestowed in sequence” refers precisely to this episode. The “Debate over Ancestry and Slander” was a major political controversy in early Chosŏn, concerning both the legitimacy of I Sŏngkye’s royal authority and the Ming dynasty’s effort to reinforce its tributary hierarchy. On one hand, the Chosŏn court sought to resolve the problem of I Sŏngkye’s humble origins and his initial lack of political legitimacy by securing formal recognition from the Ming government. On the other hand, the Ming dynasty was eager to bestow investiture upon neighboring rulers, thereby affirming their legitimacy under imperial sanction and asserting its own status as the Celestial Empire. Throughout the Ming period, no other episode demonstrates more directly the Ming court’s influence over Chosŏn’s internal politics than this “Debate over Ancestry and Slander.” In addition, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Ming court’s bestowal of various works on phonology, poetry, and Neo-Confucian thought also exerted a certain degree of influence on Chosŏn’s early scholarly and material culture.
Entering the Qing period, however, the number of books bestowed upon Chosŏn declined sharply. The titles listed in
Table 4 practically encompass all of the officially conferred works. In Kim Chaero’s memorial, the phrase “In the fifty-first year of Kangxi (②) and the first year of Yongzheng (③), many books were again graciously bestowed” refers to two key moments of imperial book-giving: ② the fifty-first year of the Kangxi reign (1712), and ③ the first year of the Yongzheng reign (1723).
The motives behind Emperor Kangxi’s 1712 bestowal can be discerned from the Nogajae yŏnhaeng ilgi 老稼齋燕行日記 by Kim Ch'angŏp 金昌業 (1658-1721), who accompanied his elder brother, the chief envoy Kim Chang-jip, on the mission to the Qing court.
That evening, just as the gates were about to close, the document officer came with urgent news: “The Emperor wishes to inquire about certain matters.” The interpreters of the Qing court summoned our envoys’ interpreters, commanding them to proceed at once. … Late into the night, after we had extinguished the lamps and were about to sleep, our interpreters returned from the Changchunyuan 暢春苑 “Changchunyuan” and reported: “Erke 二格 “The Left Vice Minister of the Ministry of Rites” was seated outside the gate of Changchunyuan and summoned us. He asked, ‘What kinds of books does your country possess?’ We answered by writing down the Four Books and the Five Classics. He asked again, ‘And besides those, do you have no other books?’ We replied by adding the Tang Poetry and Guwen zhenbao 古文真寶. Then he said, ‘Since the envoys must have brought some books with them, the Emperor wishes to see them. Bring them here tomorrow. All three envoys will be received at the gate of Changchunyuan.’” …Later that night, the imperial guards and scribes brought a written decree in the Emperor’s own name, stating: “Since these envoys are men fond of learning, should they possess any writings or books of any kind, let them all be presented for My perusal. They must not conceal anything. I shall read them and give My instructions. There is no need for apprehension. I also wish to inquire what Qing books your country does not yet have.” The envoys conferred among themselves and concluded: “Since the Emperor has asked what books exist in our country and, moreover, which are lacking, it would be disingenuous to hide the truth even if some of them are proscribed. Such concealment would not be sincere. As long as we answer with full honesty, the Emperor will not treat this as an offense. If asked further, we shall simply say they are books once obtained during the Ming dynasty – there will be no danger in that. In this way, we may even show that certain prohibited books could indeed circulate abroad.” They thus compiled a list including the Four Books, Five Classics, Zizhi tongjian gangmu, texts of pre-Qin thoughts, and Shiwen leiju 事文類聚 totaling over ten titles. Because the interpreters considered that Chunqiu 春秋 (The Spring and Autumn Annals) among the Five Classics was then a prohibited text, they initially omitted it. Yet finding such omission unreasonable, the envoys restored it to the list. As for military works, they could not plausibly deny their possession, and so included Sun Wuzi 孫武子, Wu Zi 吳子, and San Lue 三略. Among the books actually brought on the mission, there were no other volumes except for Bo’s edition of the Tanglu guangxuan 唐律廣選 (Expanded Selections from the Tang Code,), presented by the chief envoy, and the Lu Xuangong zouyi 陸宣公奏議 (Collected Memorials of Lu Xuangong,), presented by the deputy envoy.
…I quickly compiled a copy by night, writing between our crossings of rivers, fair or foul weather, and brief stops along the road, transcribing it all through the night in case there should be any accident. When dawn broke and we made ready to depart – feeding the horses and taking breakfast – the night’s disturbance left us without rest or even a moment’s peace for reading.
33
Above are from Kim Ch'angŏp’s diary,
Nogajae yŏnhaeng ilgi, entry dated to the 51st year of the Kangxi reign (1712). In response to Emperor Kangxi’s inquiry of books, the envoys presented the
Tanglu guangxuan brought by Chief Envoy Kim Ch’angchip 金昌集 (1648-1722),
Luxuangong zouyi carried by Vice Envoy Yun Chiwan 尹趾完 (1635-1718), together with the the
Yŏnhaengnok diary that Kim Ch'angŏp had copied overnight. The next day, they also transcribed and presented thirty-five poems selected from the
Gukjo sisan 國朝詩刪 (Anthology of State Poems) that the vice envoy’s group had brought.
34 After reading these materials, the Kangxi Emperor issued a reply on the sixth day: “Your country possesses few books, while the Qing has many new publications. I now bestow upon you four collections. Take good care of them and deliver them intact to your king. As for your country’s poetry and prose, I wish to read them; they may be submitted through your envoys.”
35 The “four collections” mentioned in the edict correspond to those listed in
Table 4:
Yuanjian leihan 淵鑑類函 in twenty sets,
Quan Tang shi 全唐詩 in twenty sets,
Peiwen yunfu 佩文韻府 in twelve sets, and
Guwen yuanjian 古文淵鑑 in four sets – a total of 370
juan.
Emperor Kangxi’s actions were not the product of mere momentary curiosity. As early as the seventeenth year of his reign (1678), he had already dispatched Sun Zhi-mi 孫致彌 to Chosŏn, commissioning him to compile the
Chaoxian caifeng lu 朝鮮采風錄 (Record of Observations in Chosŏn) upon his return. Furthermore, between the forty-fourth and forty-fifth years of his reign (1705–1706), the Emperor himself personally took part in the compilation of the
Quan Tang shi, which notably included poems written by Chosŏn authors. Whether through such editorial enterprises or through his review of the books brought by Chosŏn envoys, the Kangxi Emperor demonstrated a clear and sustained interest in Chosŏn’s intellectual development.
36 Meanwhile, however, the imperial bestowal of books may also be interpreted as an act of cultural display – an effort by Kangxi to exhibit the Qing dynasty’s scholarly achievements. The emperor could take pride in the court’s ability to produce vast encyclopedic compilations and reference works such as the
Yuanjian leihan, the
Quan Tang shi, the
Peiwen yunf, and the
Guwen yuanjian. Yet, once these works reached Chosŏn, they were not received uncritically. In a society still holding deeply negative views toward the Manchu Qing regime, such texts provoked mixed reactions. The eminent late-Chosŏn Neo-Confucian scholar Hong Chikp'il 洪直弼 (1776–1852), for instance, once remarked: “The Kangxi Emperor claimed to revere Zhu Xi and to follow his principles of moral order. Yet, in compiling the
Guwen yuanjian, he placed the writings of the Han and Shu before those of the Three Kingdoms, while relegating the Wei to an inferior position – an arrangement contrary to the moral hierarchy established in Zhu Xi’s
Zizhi tongjian gangmu.” Hong implied that the Kangxi Emperor, despite professing fidelity to Zhu Xi’s orthodoxy, had failed to uphold the moral framework that defined legitimate rulership and historical order.
The second instance of imperial book bestowal occurred in 1723, the first year of the Yongzheng reign. On this occasion, the Qing court presented Chosŏn with two imperial compilations—the
Yuzuan Zhouyi zhezong 御纂周易折中 and the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu 御纂朱子全書. Of these, the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu exerted a particularly direct influence on King Chŏngjo’s editorial methods and aims in compiling his own
Selections from Zhu Xi’s Works, and thus deserves close attention. King Chŏngjo had admired Zhu Xi’s writings since youth and continued his study of them even after ascending the throne. Both the
Chosŏn wangjosillok 37 and his collected writings,
Kunso p’yogi 群書標記 (Collected Notes on the Classics)
38, contain references to this lifelong engagement. King Chŏngjo’s devotion stemmed from his conviction that Zhu Xi most fully embodied the essence of Confucian learning and could therefore serve as an exemplary model for later scholars. As he himself declared: “Those who wish to learn correctly must take Zhu Xi as their standard.”
39“The Way of Confucius was made manifest through Zhu Xi; therefore, whoever seeks to understand the Way of Confucius must first study and verify it through Zhu Xi.”
40
However, the vastness of Zhu Xi’s corpus –
Zhuzi daquan 朱子大全 (Complete works of Master Zhu Xi) and
Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類 (Conversations of Master Zhu Xi) – made it impossible for beginners in Confucian studies to gain a comprehensive understanding within a short time. Consequently, even as crown prince, King Chŏngjo personally undertook the task of compiling various
Zhuzi anthologies and abridged selections, aiming “to simplify the bulk of the volumes, allowing students to read them conveniently and focus their efforts more effectively.”
41 His ultimate objective was to achieve what he called “expanding broadly to reach concision, and from concision attaining the meaning of complete integration” 博以至於約，約以至於大成之義,
42 thereby producing a comprehensive and unified text – “a
work of full coherence ” 一通之書.
43 In his collected writings, the
Hongjae chŏnsŏ 弘齋全書 (The Complete Works of Hongjae), King Chŏngjo explicitly cited the
Imperially Compiled Complete Works of Zhu Xi – the very work bestowed upon Chosŏn in the first year of the Yongzheng reign.
Although there is the complete works compiled under the Kangxi Emperor, as well as our Eastern editions –
chŏryo 節要,
chak'ae 酌海, and
t'ongp'yŏn 通編 – no one has yet united the
Yulei 語類 and
Wenji 文集 (Collected Writings) into a single work. I deeply regret this.
44
The “
Quanshu ” mentioned here refers to the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu 御纂朱子全書 (Imperially Compiled Complete Works of Zhu Xi), which the Kangxi Emperor commissioned in 1706 (the 45th year of his reign). He appointed Grand Secretaries Xiong Ci-li 熊賜履 and Li Guang-di 李光地
45 to compile the work, using
Huian xiansheng wenji 晦庵先生文集 (
The Collected Writings of Master Hui’an) and
Zhuzi yulei as its textual bases, with the aim of “removing what is excessive and preserving what is essential.”
46 The compilation was completed in 66
juan and printed in the eighth month of 1714, the 53rd year of Kangxi’s reign. In the preface to the
Zhuzi quanshu written in June 1713, the Emperor articulated his motivation for the project: he regarded the
Zhuzi quanshu as a text essential for “understanding human nature and Heaven’s principle, bringing stability to the people, governing the realm, and unifying scholarship.”
47 This rationale parallels King Chŏngjo’s own intention in creating his “
work of full coherence ” – a project rooted in Zhu Xi’s teachings and aimed at moral education and social harmony through Confucian learning.
Through comparison of King Chŏngjo’s ten personally edited anthologies of Zhu Xi’s writings –
Chujahoesŏn 朱子會選,
Yanghyŏn chŏnsimnok 兩賢傳心錄,
Chayangja hoeyŏng 紫陽子會英,
Chuja sŏnt'ong 朱子選統,
Chusŏ paeksŏn 朱書百選,
Chumun sugwŏn 朱文手圈,
Asong 雅頌,
Chubuja si 朱夫子詩,
Chujasŏ chŏryak 朱子書節約, and
Ŏjŏng chusŏ punnyu 御定朱書分類 –it can be refered that the structure and table of contents of
Chuja sŏnt'ong 朱子選統 are almost identical to those of Kangxi’s
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu. The Kangxi Emperor’s purpose in compiling the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu – to create a grand compendium that would enrich the nation, bring peace to the people, and unify scholarship – deeply resonated with King Chŏngjo’s own goal of producing “
work of full coherence ” for the moral cultivation of the realm. It is thus evident that after the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu was bestowed upon Chosŏn, King Chŏngjo, seeing that Kangxi had already completed a comprehensive edition of Zhu Xi’s works, was inspired to follow his example and used it as the foundational model for his
Juja seontong.
48 Although the
Juja seontong has since been lost, King Chŏngjo’s explanatory essay
Chuja sŏnt'ong samkwŏn 朱子選統三卷 (Three Juans of the Juja seontong),
49 preserved in the
Hongjae chŏnsŏ, still reveals traces of its imitation of the editorial framework of the
Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu. This, in turn, demonstrates the subtle yet tangible influence that the Qing emperors’ book bestowals exerted upon Chosŏn scholarship.
As for material culture—such as jade objects, porcelain, and glassware—Korean scholar Kim Eun-kyung 金恩慶 has identified three phases in Chosŏn’s reception of Qing material goods.
50 The first phase, spanning roughly from 1623 to 1724, coincided with the dynastic transition from the Ming to the Qing. During this period, many entries in the
yŏnhaengnok contain expressions of disdain for Qing artifacts, describing them as “detestable” or “repulsive”.
51 The second phase, extending from approximately 1725 to 1790, witnessed the gradual rise of a luxurious fashion among the Chosŏn elite for collecting and admiring Chinese objects. This growing popular enthusiasm for Qing goods even led the Chosŏn government to consider enacting prohibitions against such excessive consumption.
The Chief State Councillor Sŏ Myŏng-gyun 徐命均 remarked: “The statement at the end of the document officer’s memorial is entirely correct. Tens of thousands of taels of silver are being spent to purchase Tangmul 唐物 (Tang goods), resulting in immeasurable waste and an ever-growing trend of extravagance, particularly among the common people. In matters of clothing and food, they now feel ashamed to be outdone by others. It would be most desirable to impose strict prohibitions on such customs – but the true remedy lies in the example set by those above. Your Majesty’s own frugality in dress is beyond praise, yet within the palace, I fear there may still remain habits of luxury. A special admonition should therefore be issued, for this is the foundation of moral transformation among the people.” The King approved.
52
The term Tangmul 唐物 “
Tang good
” here refers to objects imported from China—such as porcelain, brocades, and other luxury items. Despite these admonitions, however, Chinese-made wares were still partially employed in official and courtly contexts. Records of royal banquets and ceremonial events – such as the Ritual Protocols of Queen Chŏngsun’s Royal Wedding (1759) and the Instruments of the Royal Ancestral Shrine of Kyŏngmogung (1777) – list imported Chinese items such as Tang-style bowls, large Tang plates, Tang pitchers, and Tang cups. Although these were not the principal utensils used during royal feasts, their inclusion in such ceremonies clearly indicates that Chinese artifacts had gradually become integrated into Chosŏn’s official material culture.
The third phase, spanning approximately 1791 to 1896, marks the period in which Chosŏn began actively embracing Chinese material culture. Among the yangban 兩班 literati, the use of Tang goods –objects imported from China – came to be regarded as a mark of refinement, prompting widespread competition to acquire such items.
Scholar-official Pak Chae-sun 朴載淳 submitted a memorial stating:“... Wae mul 倭物 “Japanese goods” are nothing more than objects of amusement without practical use. Yet, merely because they come from a foreign land, everyone treasures them. From military camps to towns and districts, people compete to purchase them at exorbitant prices, and such indulgence grows day by day.
Now, Our Sage King takes no delight in distant luxuries and honors the virtue of frugality; hence the customs of the people should have changed, and the spirit of extravagance should have waned. Yet among the scholar-officials, there still prevails a race toward luxury and display, a rivalry in novelty and craftsmanship. They trade useful wealth for useless trinkets – this squandering of resources and corruption of morals could scarcely be worse. Moreover, during these competitive exchanges, hearsay easily breeds confusion, which I deeply lament. From now on, strict prohibitions should be imposed by the
Raebu 萊府 (Bureau of Trade), not only against Japanese goods but equally against the harmful commerce in
Tang goods. Before the next envoy departs for China, these prohibitions should be emphatically reissued –both to suppress extravagance and to uphold the dignity of our governance.”
53
This attitude, however, did not remain confined to the yangban elite. Even within the royal court, Chinese porcelain gradually came to outnumber domestic wares at official banquets.For example, during the grand banquet held in 1795 (the 19th year of King Chŏngjo’s reign) to celebrate hwangap yŏn 還甲宴 “the sixtieth birthday party” of his mother, Lady Hong of Hyegyŏnggung 惠慶宮洪氏 (1735-1815), the table before her was set with 82 kinds of vessels, among which those labeled hwatang sikki 畫唐食器 “painted Tang ware”– that is, porcelain imported from China – constituted the largest proportion. To list just a few items:
one large painted Tang-style dish containing assorted honeyed confections.
畫唐大楪各色蜜粘雪只一器
one large Tang-style dish with wave pattern decoration.
畫唐大楪浪花一器
one large Tang-style bowl for water noodles.
畫唐大碗水麵一器
one large Tang-style bowl containing medicinal rice.
畫唐大碗藥飯一器
one large Tang-style bowl with ginger cakes, 9 inches high.
畫唐大碗薑餠一器，高九寸
one medium Tang-style dish with medicinal fruits, 1 ft 2 in high.
畫唐中楪藥果一器，高一尺二寸
one large Tang-style dish with steamed buns and candied fruits, 1 ft 2 in high.
畫唐大楪饅頭果一器，高一尺二寸
one medium Tang-style dish of tea confections and fruits, 1 ft 2 in high.
畫唐中楪茶食果一器，高一尺二寸
one medium Tang-style dish of pine-flower tea cakes, 9 in high.
From the abundance of Chinese-style vessels, it is evident that by the late eighteenth century, Chosŏn had fully embraced Chinese porcelain, especially among the upper classes, who frequently used imported or imitated Chinese ware. As relations with the Qing dynasty gradually stabilized, Chosŏn resumed the importation of pigments needed for blue-and-white porcelain. Reflecting the literati and popular taste for Chinese ceramics, Chosŏn potters began to imitate Qing enamelled porcelain in their decorative patterns, vessel forms, and glazing techniques.
55 However, the enamelled porcelains and other objects bestowed by the Qing emperors were largely confined to courtly use – for banquets, decorative display, or even funerary burial. For example, excavations in June 1992 at the joint tomb of Hwa-yu Ongju 和柔翁主 (1740–1777), the eighth daughter of King Chŏngjo, and her husband Hwang In-jŏm 黃仁點 in Bucheon, Gyeonggido, revealed several pieces of both Chosŏn blue-and-white porcelain and Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain. The latter were likely connected to Hwang In-jeom himself, who served as envoy to Beijing six times between 1776 and 1793, during which he received imperial gifts and also recorded private purchases of porcelain.
56 Similarly, excavations in December 2016 at the tomb of Hwa-hyŏp ongju 和協翁主 (1733–1752) in Namyangju, Gyeonggido, uncovered a piece of Qing enamelled porcelainalong with several wooden boxes and stone caskets. Since such objects bestowed by the Qing court circulated only within the royal palace—for display, ceremonial banquets, or burials—their direct impact on Chosŏn’s broader material culture remained limited.
Concluding Remarks
This study has centered on Dongmunhwigo and, with reference to Chosŏn wangjosillok and yŏnhaengnok, collated the records of gifts bestowed by the Qing emperors upon Chosŏn. The findings are clear: relative to Chosŏn’s substantial demand for books and material goods from imperial China, imperial bestowals were sparse. Chosŏn therefore relied on private trade and purchases by embassy missions, practices that in turn provoked stringent prohibitions from the Qing government. Research on the “Sinospehere” has often followed Sadao Nishijima’s framework, which posits an East Asian order centered on the Chinese emperor and extending control over foreign rulers through the investiture system. Yet the documentary record suggests otherwise: the Qing court showed little intention to intervene in the intellectual and material development of neighboring polities such as Chosŏn, and its policies could even operate as impediments to that development.
In books, driven by the need for works related to Zhu Xi and for keeping abreast of scholarship in imperial China, Chosŏn actively acquired texts through private trade; by contrast, the Ming – and later the Qing – repeatedly forbade Chosŏn envoys from purchasing books. In material culture, amid seventeenth-century loyalism to the Ming and the rise of the huayi discourse, Chosŏn’s demand shifted from heavy reliance on Ming goods, to brief rejection during the Ming–Qing transition, and then to renewed admiration for Qing artifacts by the late eighteenth century. The Qing court’s extremely limited bestowals could not satisfy domestic demand: palace wares—especially enamelled porcelain, falangci – were used mainly for official banquets, court display, and funerary accompaniment, and thus exerted only minimal influence on Chosŏn’s material life. The very scarcity of imperial gifts invites us to reconsider the actual scope of Chinese imperial power over neighboring polities.
Notes
Table 1.Gift lists of imperial bestowals to envoys before and after the establishment of fixed regulations
|
Time |
Mission purposes and personnel |
Gift Lists |
|
1650, Shunzhi 順治 7th
|
Mission of conveying congratulations and gratitude during the thrice-yearly tribute; chief envoy: Lee Yo 李㴭 (Prince Inp’yŏng 麟坪君) |
“Imperial Edict Granting Silk (賜緞勅)” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
Edict from the Emperor to the King of Chosŏn, dated the 26th day of the seventh month, the seventh year of Shunzhi (1650). |
|
On the occasion of posthumously bestowing an honorific title upon the late imperial grandmother and empress, and enshrining her in the ancestral temple, the Emperor, in celebration of this auspicious event, specially dispatched the Qixinlang 啓心郎 Esehe Xueshi 額色黑學士 Laigong 賚功 and others to deliver the imperial edict and present gifts of patterned silk, woven gold, and fine fabrics. |
|
The total reward amounted to forty bolts of silk, including: |
|
1 bolt of large blue mangduan (loong-patterned brocade), |
|
1 bolt of small blue mangduan, |
|
1 bolt of small indigo mangduan, |
|
1 bolt of indigo zhuangduan (ornamental satin), |
|
1 bolt of indigo zhijin (woven gold fabric), |
|
1 bolt of indigo Woduan (Japanese satin), |
|
1 bolt of blue Woduan, |
|
2 bolts of indigo shanduan (iridescent satin), |
|
2 bolts of red shanduan, |
|
5 bolts of black plain satin, |
|
4 bolts of zhusi (hemp-silk blend), |
|
5 bolts of indigo satin, |
|
2 bolts of dark green large satin, |
|
4 bolts of indigo large satin, |
|
1 bolt of official green large satin, |
|
2 bolts of purple large satin, |
|
1 bolt of sauce-colored large satin, |
|
3 bolts of blue pengduan (stiff satin), and |
|
2 bolts of indigo pengduan. |
|
1734, Yongzheng 雍正 12th
|
Mission of submitting a memorial to the throne; chief envoy: Sŏ Myŏng-gyun 徐命均 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Rewards to Envoys” 禮部頒賞使臣咨 in Dongmunhwigo |
|
The King of Chosŏn, of the royal Yi 李 surname, has dispatched chief and deputy envoys for the memorial mission. “In accordance with established precedents” 應照定例, the following rewards are granted: |
|
Chief and Deputy Envoys: each to receive 1 bolt of large satin, 1 bolt of hat satin, 1 bolt of pengduan, 1 bolt of plain silk, 1 bolt of spun silk, 50 taels of silver, wool socks, one pair of first-grade green oblique-leather boots with ivory seams, one fully equipped lacquered saddle, and one third-grade horse. |
|
Document Officer (1 person): 1 bolt of large satin, 1 bolt of pengduan, 1 bolt of plain silk, 50 taels of silver, wool socks, second-grade green oblique-leather boots with ivory seams, and 1 pair of boots. |
|
Senior Interpreters (3 persons): each to receive 1 bolt of large satin, 1 bolt of plain silk, 30 taels of silver, wool socks, and a pair of horsehide boots. |
|
Escort Officers (24 persons): each to receive 1 bolt of pengduan, 1 bolt of plain silk, 20 taels of silver, wool socks, and a pair of cowhide boots. |
|
Attendants (30 persons): each to receive 5 taels of silver. |
|
The bolts of satin for the chief and deputy envoys are to be drawn from the Imperial Household Treasury, while saddles and horses are to be selected and issued by the relevant bureaus, ensuring the finest quality. The remaining items – silver, spun silk, plain silk for the chief and deputy envoys, as well as the silver and textiles for the document officer, interpreters, and attendants – are to be requisitioned from the Ministry of Revenue, and boots, socks, saddles, and horses from the respective departments. |
|
1744, Qianlong 乾隆 9th
|
Mission of conveying congratulations and gratitude; chief envoy: Lee Jang 李檣 (Prince Yangp’yŏnggun 陽平君) |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Rewards to Envoys” |
|
The King of Chosŏn has dispatched a chief and deputy envoy to present gifts of congratulations and gratitude. In accordance with established precedents, the following rewards are granted: |
|
Chief and Deputy Envoys: each receives one bolt of large satin, one bolt of hat satin, one bolt of pengduan, one bolt of plain silk, one bolt of spun silk, fifty taels of silver, wool socks, one pair of first-grade green oblique-leather boots with ivory seams, one fully equipped lacquered saddle and one third-grade horse. |
|
Document Officer (1 person): one bolt of large satin, one bolt of pengduan, one bolt of plain silk, fifty taels of silver, wool socks, one pair of second-grade green oblique-leather boots with ivory seams. |
|
Senior Interpreters (3 persons): each receives one bolt of large satin, one bolt of plain silk, thirty taels of silver, wool socks, and one pair of horse-leather boots. |
|
Escort Officers (24 persons): each receives one bolt of pengduan, one bolt of plain silk, twenty taels of silver, wool socks, and one pair of cowhide boots. |
|
Attendants (30 persons): each receives five taels of silver. |
|
In addition, an extra reward is granted to the Chief Envoy, Prince Yangpyeong, Lee Jang: five bolts of satin, one complete set of satin garments, and ten sheets of sable fur. |
|
The bolts of satin and sable fur for the chief and deputy envoys are to be drawn from the Imperial Household Treasury. Saddles and horses are to be selected and issued by the relevant offices, ensuring the best quality. The remaining silver, spun silk, and plain silk for the chief and deputy envoys, as well as for the document officer and attendants, are to be transferred from the Ministry of Revenue, together with the boots, socks, and related items. |
Table 2.Gift lists bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn before and after the establishment of fixed regulations
|
Time |
Mission purposes and personnel |
Gift Lists |
|
1644, Shunzhi 順治 1st
|
Mission of conveying gratitude and congratulations combined with a memorial submission; chief envoy: Kim Cha-jŏm 金自點 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on the Receipt of Congratulatory Tribute and the Granting of Imperial Gifts” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
The King of Chosŏn has reported a major military victory. In recognition of this achievement, the following rewards are granted: one fine horse with a fully equipped ornate saddle and bridle, one hundred taels of silver, one bolt of mangduan, one bolt of zhuangduan, eight bolts of large satin, and thirty bolts of assorted silk and satin in various colors. |
|
1796, Jiaqing 嘉慶 1st
|
Mission of conveying congratulations and gratitude; chief envoy: Yi Pyŏng-ma 李秉摩 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Rewards Granted during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
The King of Chosŏn respectfully dispatched envoys to the capital to present annual tribute. Since the envoys performed poems in audience, the following additional gifts are specially bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn, as itemized below: |
|
Two bolts of longduan, one hundred fu 福 character scrolls, four lacquered items, four glass vessels, four rolls of fine silk paper in large and small sizes, four boxes of ink, four boxes of brushes, and two inkstones. |
|
1803, Jiaqing 嘉慶 8th
|
Mission of submitting a memorial and conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Sim Nŭng-gŏn 沈能建 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Rewards Granted during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
The listed gifts include: two bolts of mangduan, one hundred fu -character scrolls, four lacquered items, four rolls of juanjian in large and small sizes, four boxes of ink, four boxes of brushes, two inkstones, and four glass vessels. |
|
1804, Jiaqing 嘉慶 9th
|
Mission of presenting tribute during the Three Seasonal Festivals; chief envoy: Min T’ae-hyŏk 閔台爀 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Rewards Granted during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
An additional reward is granted to the King of Chosŏn, consisting of two bolts of mangduan, one hundred fu -character scrolls, four lacquered items, four rolls of juanjian in large and small sizes, four boxes of ink, four boxes of brushes, two inkstones, and four glass vessels. |
|
1824, Daoguang 道光 4th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Hong Ŭi-ho 洪義浩 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Rewards Granted during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
An additional reward is granted to the King of Chosŏn, consisting of two bolts of mangduan, one hundred fu -character scrolls, four rolls of juanjian, four boxes of ink, four boxes of brushes, two inkstones, four lacquered items, and four glass vessels. |
|
1831, Daoguang 道光 11th
|
Mission of conveying an imperial death and submitting memorials requesting posthumous titles and succession; chief envoy: Pak Chong-hun 朴宗薰 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Rewards Granted during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
The additional rewards granted are as follows: |
|
To the King of Chosŏn: one ruyi scepter, two bolts of gold-woven silk, two bolts of brocade, two bolts of multicolored satin, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, two bolts of large satin, two bolts of Jiangnan silk, and one sheet of red western woolfelt. |
|
To the Crown Prince of Chosŏn: one statue of the Buddha of Longevity, one ruyi scepter, two boxes of Huzhou brushes, two boxes of Huizhou ink, two Shexian inkstones, two bundles of fine silk paper, and one jade artifact. |
|
1860, Xianfeng 咸豊 10th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Yi Chŏ 李坾 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Gifts Granted to Envoys Participating in the Banquet during the Tribute Mission” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
An additional reward is granted to the King of Chosŏn as follows: two bolts of mangduan 蟒緞 “dragon-patterned brocade”, four rolls of juanjian in large and small sizes, three boxes of vermilion ink, one box of Huizhou ink, four lacquered items, one hundred fu -character scrolls, four boxes of brushes, two inkstones, and four glass vessels. |
Table 3.Lists of Additional Gifts Bestowed upon Chosŏn Envoys from the Jiaqing to the Guangxu Reigns
|
Time |
Mission purposes and personnel |
Gift Lists |
|
1803, Jiaqing 嘉慶 8th
|
Mission of submitting a memorial and conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Sim Nŭng-gŏn 沈能建 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Envoys Participating in the Imperial Banquet” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
On the 28th day, His Majesty, while in the Chonghua Palace, granted to the chief and deputy envoys two jars of tea leaves, one pair of small embroidered pouches, one glass snuff bottle, one small porcelain vase, one fire striker, and five oranges. On the same day, the envoys were further given one bucket of pomegranates, one orange, and one bucket of tangerines. |
|
On the first day of the first month of the eighth year of the Jiaqing reign (1803), after the emperor ascended the Hall of Supreme Harmony and completed the rites, the envoys were rewarded with mutton, milk pancakes, and steamed buns. On the sixth day, when the emperor visited the Yuanmingyuan, the same gifts of mutton, milk pancakes, and buns were again bestowed. |
|
On the eighth day, at the Great Mongolian Tent, the chief envoy received three bolts of brocade, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large eight-strand satin, four bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large embroidered pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. The deputy envoy received two bolts of brocade, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large eight-strand satin, three bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. On this day, the envoys attended a banquet at “Shangao Shuichang”. |
|
On the fifteenth day, when the emperor again visited the Yuanmingyuan, the envoys accompanied him and that evening attended the “Shangao Shuichang” exhibition of lantern boxes, receiving boxes of dessert and yuanxiao (sweet rice dumplings). On the sixteenth day, the envoys again attended the performances and received the same rewards. |
|
On the seventeenth day, after the chief and deputy envoys composed poems in response to the imperial verse, each was awarded one bolt of large satin, two boxes of brushes, two boxes of ink, and two rolls of fine xuan paper. On the nineteenth day, the envoys once again followed the emperor to “Shangao Shuichang” to watch lantern exhibitions and were given dessert boxes and yuanxiao. |
|
1849, Daoguang 道光 29th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Kang Si-yŏng 姜時永 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Envoys Participating in the Imperial Banquet” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
On the twenty-first day, the regular tribute envoys from Chosŏn arrived in the capital. On the twenty-seventh, by order of the Grand Council, the following gifts were granted: |
|
Chief Envoy: two glass vessels, one snuff bottle, one porcelain item, four small embroidered pouches, two jars of tea leaves, and one porcelain dish. |
|
Deputy Envoy and Document Officers (two persons): each received two glass vessels, one snuff bottle, one porcelain item, two small pouches, two jars of tea leaves, and one porcelain dish. |
|
On the twenty-eighth day, when His Majesty performed the sacrificial rites at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, the envoys, who stood before the Meridian Gate to pay obeisance, were granted: one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou (steamed bun), one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of steamed food. |
|
Additional rewards were given as follows: |
|
Chief Envoy: three bolts of shimmering satin, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large eight-strand satin, four bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large embroidered pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. |
|
Deputy Envoy and Document Officers: each received two bolts of shimmering satin, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large eight-strand satin, three bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. |
|
For the New Year’s Eve banquet, five tables were laid, and provisions were bestowed, including nine sheep, one pig, three geese, two chickens, eleven bottles of wine, and fifty-seven fish. Additionally, one basket of tangerines and one basket of pomegranates were granted. |
|
On New Year’s Day, when the envoys attended the imperial audience at the Hall of Supreme Harmony to offer congratulations, they again received one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of steamed food. |
|
On the sixth day, at the banquet held in the Hall of Purple Splendor, the chief envoy received three bolts of shimmering satin, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large eight-strand satin, four bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large pouches, and two pairs of small pouches; the deputy envoy and document officers each received corresponding quantities as previously listed. |
|
On the twelfth day, when the emperor performed rituals at the Altar of Prayer for Grain, the envoys knelt at the Meridian Gate to welcome and see him off and were given one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of steamed food. |
|
On the thirteenth, as the emperor proceeded to the imperial gardens, the envoys knelt in farewell outside the Western Third Gate and received one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of steamed food. |
|
On the fifteenth day, at the banquet in the Hall of Upright Brightness, the chief envoy, deputy envoy, and document officers each received one bolt of large eight-strand satin, two rolls each of fine xuan paper in large and small sizes, two boxes of brushes, and two boxes of ink, along with the standard portions of mutton, buns, milk cakes, and steamed dishes. |
|
On the nineteenth day, as the envoys knelt to bid the emperor farewell and request imperial peace at “Shangao Shuichang” before their return, they were granted one portion of mutton, one dessert box, and one bowl of yuanxiao. |
|
1855, Xianfeng 咸豊 5th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Kim Wi 金鍏 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Envoys Participating in the Imperial Banquet” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
On the twenty-eighth day, when His Majesty personally attended the sacrificial ceremony at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, the Chosŏn envoys, standing before the Meridian Gate to pay homage, were granted one portion of mutton, one plate of milk pancakes, one plate of steamed lamb, and one plate of mantou. |
|
On the twenty-ninth day, the envoys were rewarded with two baskets of fresh southern fruits. On the same day, by order of the Court of Imperial Banquets, five tables were set for the New Year’s Eve feast, and the envoys received nine sheep, one pig, fifty-seven fish, three geese, two chickens, and eleven bottles of wine. |
|
Additionally, by decree of the Grand Council, the following rewards were bestowed: |
|
Chief Envoy: three bolts of brocade, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large eight-strand satin, four bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large tawny flowers-embroidered pouches, and four small pouches. |
|
Deputy Envoy and Document Officers (two persons): each received two bolts of brocade, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large eight-strand satin, three pieces of small five-strand satin, one pair of large tawny flower-embroidered pouches, and four small pouches. |
|
On the first day of the first month of the sixth year of the Xianfeng reign (1856), the envoys attended the New Year audience at the Hall of Supreme Harmony. On the second day, when they were invited to view performances at the Chonghua Palace, they were granted two boxes of confectionery and two plates of sweet pancakes. |
|
That same day, from the Chonghua Palace, further rewards were issued: |
|
To the chief and deputy envoys and the document officer (three persons in total): each received two pieces of glassware, one glass snuff bottle, one porcelain item, four small embroidered pouches, two jars of tea, and one porcelain plate, containing fresh fruit. |
|
On the fifth day, by order of the Grand Council, the following additional gifts were granted: |
|
To the King of Chosŏn: two bolts of mangduan, one hundred fu -character scrolls, four rolls of juanjian in large and small sizes, four boxes of brushes, four boxes of ink, two inkstones, four lacquered items and four glass vessels. |
|
To the chief and deputy envoys and the document officer: each received one bolt of fine satin, two rolls each of fine xuan paper in large and small sizes, two boxes of brushes, and two boxes of ink. |
|
On the twelfth day, when His Majesty stayed overnight at the Altar of Prayer for Grain for purification before the ceremony, the envoys knelt before the Meridian Gate to send off the imperial procession and were rewarded again with one portion of mutton, one plate of milk pancakes, one plate of steamed lamb, and one plate of mantou. |
|
1866, Tongzhi 同治 5th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Yi Hŭng-min 李興敏 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Envoys Participating in the Imperial Banquet” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
On the twenty-eighth day, during the year-end sacrificial ceremony at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, His Majesty personally performed the rites on the twenty-seventh. The Chosŏn envoys attended before the Meridian Gate to pay obeisance and were granted one portion of mutton, one plate of steamed cakes, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of mantou. |
|
On the twenty-ninth day, by order of the Court of Imperial Banquets, five banquet tables were prepared for the New Year’s Eve feast, and the envoys were granted one pig, nine sheep, three geese, two chickens, fifty-seven fish, and eleven bottles of wine. |
|
On the first day of the first month of the fifth year of the Tongzhi reign (1866), the Empress Dowager held audience at the Palace of Compassion and Tranquility. After performing their ceremonial bows at the Meridian Gate, the envoys followed the emperor to the Hall of Supreme Harmony to participate in the New Year audience ceremony, and later knelt before the Shenwu Gate to greet and bid farewell to the imperial procession. They were rewarded with one portion of mutton, one plate of steamed cakes, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of buns. |
|
On the third day, they again received the same food rewards – one portion of mutton, one plate of steamed cakes, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of mantou. |
|
On the sixth day, the following additional rewards were bestowed: |
|
Chief Envoy: three bolts of mangduan, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large Jiangnan silk, four pieces of small fine crepe, one pair of large embroidered pouches, and four small pouches. |
|
Deputy Envoy: two bolts of mangduan, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large Jiangnan silk, three pieces of small fine crepe, one pair of large pouches, and four small pouches. |
|
Document Officer: two bolts of mangduan, one bolt of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large Jiangnan silk, three pieces of small fine crepe, one pair of large pouches, and four small pouches. |
|
On the tenth day, during the early spring ancestral rites at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, His Majesty personally attended the ceremony on the ninth. The Chosŏn envoys knelt at the Meridian Gate to welcome and send off the imperial procession and were again granted one portion of mutton, one plate of steamed cakes, one plate of milk pancakes, and one plate of mantou. |
|
1878, Guangxu 光緖 4th
|
Mission of conveying gratitude on the occasion of the Winter Solstice; chief envoy: Cho Sŏg-yŏ 曺錫輿 |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Envoys Participating in the Imperial Banquet” in Dongmunhwigo |
|
On the twenty-eighth day, His Majesty personally performed the ceremonial rites. The Chosŏn envoys attended before the Meridian Gate to pay obeisance and were granted one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou, one plate of yellow hive-patterned cakes, and one plate of white hive-patterned cakes. |
|
On the twenty-ninth day, the envoys proceeded to the Court of State Ceremonials to participate in the formal ritual presentation. |
|
On the thirtieth day, by order of the Grand Council, the following rewards were bestowed: |
|
Chief Envoy: three bolts of mangduan, three bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, four bolts of large eight-strand satin, four bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large embroidered pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. |
|
Deputy Envoy and Document Officer: each received two bolts of mangduan, two bolts of Zhangzhou velvet, three bolts of large eight-strand satin, three bolts of small five-strand satin, one pair of large pouches, and two pairs of small pouches. |
|
On the same day, by order of the Court of Imperial Banquets, an additional New Year’s Eve feast was arranged with five banquet tables. The envoys were given one pig, nine sheep, fifty-seven fish, three geese, two chickens, and eleven bottles of wine. |
|
On the first day of the first month of the fourth year of the Guangxu reign (1878), the Empress Dowager presided at the Palace of Compassion and Tranquility. His Majesty visited to offer his respects, and the Chosŏn envoys, following court protocol, attended before the Meridian Gate to perform the New Year’s greeting ceremony, then proceeded to the Hall of Supreme Harmony to take part in the audience of congratulations. On this day, they were granted one portion of mutton, one plate of steamed cakes, one plate of mantou, and one plate of yellow hive-patterned cakes. |
|
On the eighth day, in preparation for the early-spring ancestral rites at the Imperial Ancestral Temple, His Majesty personally performed the ceremony on the seventh. The Chosŏn envoys, kneeling before the Meridian Gate to greet and bid farewell to the imperial procession, were awarded one portion of mutton, one plate of mantou, one plate of white hive-patterned cakes, and one plate of yellow hive-patterned cakes. |
|
On the thirteenth day, by order of the Temple of the Wind God, two tables of pastries were granted to the chief and deputy envoys. |
|
On the nineteenth day, when the envoys attended the Central Upright Hall to offer a kneeling petition for the emperor’s well-being, they were given one portion of mutton, one box of dessert, and one bowl of yuanxiao. |
Table 4.Major Gifts Bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn by the Qing Emperors
|
Time |
Mission purposes and personnel |
Gift Lists |
Source |
|
1703, Kangxi 康熙 42nd
|
Mission of issuing an imperial pardon; Qing envoy: Nalan Kuixu 明揆敘(納蘭揆敘) |
The Qing envoy brought the Yuanjian Zhai Fatie 淵鑑齋法帖, a collection of model calligraphies. |
Sukchong sillok, entry for the 13th day of the 6th month, 29th year of King Sukchong (1703). |
|
1712, Kangxi 康熙 51st
|
Mission of conveying gratitude and presenting the Thrice-Yearly Tribute; chief envoy: Kim Ch'angchip 金昌集 |
Twenty sets of the Yuanjian leihan 淵鑑類函, twenty sets of the Quantangshi 全唐詩, twelve sets of the Peiwen yunfu 佩文韻府, and four sets of the Guwen yuanjian 古文淵鑑, amounting to a total of 370 juan. |
Nogajae yŏnhaeng ilgi by Kim Ch'angchip, juan 5th, Entry for the Sixth Day of the Second Month. |
|
1723, Yongzheng 雍正 1st
|
Mission of conveying congratulations; chief envoy: Yi Chik 李樴 |
Bestowed upon the King of Chosŏn: Yuzuan Zhouyi zhezong 御纂周易折中; Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu 御纂朱子全書 in its entirety; ten imperial enamel bowls; one pair of imperial enamel lidded bowls; four imperial enamel teacups; one imperial enamel teapot; one Duanzhou inkstone with loong design inlaid with glass and set in a purple-stone box with a pearl-green well; one Duanzhou inkstone in a green-stone box inlaid with glass; eight boxes of tribute ink; two boxes of Huzhou brushes; one Western glass-covered chiming clock; one Western enamel chiming clock; and one Western watch. |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Gifts Bestowed during the Enthronement Celebration” in Tongmunhwigo |
|
1728, Yongzheng 雍正 6th
|
Mission of Thrice-Yearly Tribute; chief envoy: Yun Sun 尹淳 |
Four works from the Imperial Library: Kangxi zidian 康熙字典, Xingli jingyi 性理精義, Shijing chuanshuo huicuan 詩經傳說彙纂, and Yinyun chanwei 音韻闡微. |
Supplementary List for the Chief Envoy Yoon Soon and Deputy Envoy Cho Ik 趙翼 of the Winter Solstice Mission in Dongmunhwigo |
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1732, Yongzheng 雍正 10th
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Mission of the Winter Solstice tribute; chief envoy: Lee Dang 李樘(Prince Nakchang 洛川君) |
Mingshi 明史: Chaoxian liezhuan 朝鮮列傳, manuscript copy. |
Yŏngjo sillok, entry for the 8th day of the 5th month, 8th year of King Yŏngjo (1732). |
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1739, Qianlong 乾隆 4th
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Mission of conveying gratitude and congratulations combined with a memorial submission; chief envoy: Kim Chaero 金在魯 |
Mingshi 明史: Chaoxian liezhuan 朝鮮列傳, revised printed edition. |
Yŏngjo sillok, entry for the 8th day of the 5th month, 8th year of King Yŏngjo (1732). |
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1780, Qianlong 乾隆 45th
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Mission of conveying gratitude and congratulations, chief envoy: Pak Myŏng-wŏn 朴明源 |
Complete set of the Five Classics in Song-edition-style from the Imperial Household; one inkstone; two rolls of decorated fine xuan paper; two rolls of patterned silk; four boxes of Huizhou ink; four boxes of Huzhou brushes; one jade-inlaid ruyi scepter; four bamboo boxes; four glass vessels; four porcelain vessels; four bolts of feather gauze; four bolts of Chengxiang silk; four bolts of red and green fine silk; and four pieces of red felt. |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Bestowal of Gifts and Rewards to Envoys,” in Dongmunhwigo |
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1783, Qianlong 乾隆 48th
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Mission of conveying birthday congratulations and inquiries after the emperor’s well-being; chief envoy: Yi Pok-wŏn 李福源 |
One chapter of Emperor Qianlong’s Poems |
“Ministry of Rites Copy of the List of Additional Rewards Granted to Envoys after the Banquet,” in Dongmunhwigo |
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1786, Qianlong 乾隆 51st
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Mission of presenting the Thrice-Yearly Tribute and conveying gratitude: Yi Yŏm 李烿 (Prince Anchun 安春君) |
Additional gifts presented to the King of Chosŏn: one jade ruyi scepter, two jade ornaments, four porcelain items, four glass vessels, two inkstones, two rolls each of large and small fine silk paper, two boxes of brushes, two boxes of ink, four enamel boxes of Western porcelain, and four carved lacquer trays. |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Gifts Granted during the Presentation of the Annual Tribute,” in Dongmunhwigo ; also recorded in Ilsongnok, entry for the 28th day of the 2nd month, 10th year of King Chŏngjo (1786). |
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1790, Qianlong 乾隆 55th
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Mission of conveying congradulations and gratitude and presenting the Thrice-Yearly Tribute; chief envoy: Yi Sŏng-wŏn 李性源 |
Additional gifts presented to the King of Chosŏn: one Emperor Qianglong’s calligraphy of the character fu 福, one white jade ruyi scepter, one white jade censer, one white jade brush washer, one pair of amber dishes, one pair of enamel vases, one pair of light-blue vases, one pair of Western porcelain boxes, four red lacquer tea trays, two Duanzhou inkstones, three boxes of brushes, three boxes of ink, four rolls of decorative xuan paper, and one hundred sheets of fu -character decorative paper. |
“Ministry of Rites Notification on Additional Gifts Granted during the Presentation of the Annual Tribute” in Dongmunhwigo ; also found in Ilsongnok, entry for the first month of the 14th year of King Chŏngjo (1790). |
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